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    Posts made by The Janus

    • RE: Advice to Renegade! What is on your top 10 for adjustments to G40 3rd edition?

      @black_elk said in Advice to Renegade! What is on your top 10 for adjustments to G40 3rd edition?:

      The reason I like 1941 over the high water mark 1942 opener, is that mechanically the game always has the Axis side expanding early as the way to get a rough parity by sides going into the second and third round. That just feels more appropriate to 41 for me. Like if you have it open with a bang and the Axis side achieving that high water mark in the early rounds it feels more like the march of history, rather than starting from that high water mark and then vaulting like Shamu even higher, expanding massively into uncharted territory right at the start. You know where like Italy rules Egypt and Japan crushes into Siberia and India or whatever, because that’s how far they need to go to get into break even territory hehe. Like it’s all well and good if the game gets there after many rounds, but just not to have the balance tip too hard like that right away. Better, if the Allies are going to be on their heels in the opener, to pick a date where that vibe hums. Also helps I think with the sense of progression of game-time in the player’s imagination. Early enough for a total war start with some space to operate, but not so early that you have players waiting on the sidelines forever before it gets interesting.

      I think I kinda get what you’re saying: 1942 basically requires the Axis to do better than history, in order to be competitive and/or to keep advancing right out of the gate. The problem I have with 1943, is that it’s essentially trying to capture that 1941 feel, when in reality the momentum should all be going the other way, plus the Soviets and Americans aren’t caught unawares.

      I think Italy only works if you’re doing a really zoomed-in Europe map (like basically converting a WWI map) where it’s more along the scale of the old A&A Europe, but with more territories – just North Africa (not the whole continent) and maybe the middle east. And even then, once you hit Barbarossa, Italy isn’t going to have enough to do (after Taranto, and with France and Greece/Yugoslavia already taken care of.) Frankly, having a 10-IPC “”“major”“” power just doesn’t pass muster IMO. I think the only way you can buff Italy to any meaningful level is to bend history and stick Vichy French territories under their control.

      China has the same problem; if you don’t want them to just be ‘neutral’ picket armies, and you also don’t want them to be able to attack on the UK turn, just stick 'em under the US, like in Classic. ANZAC seems entirely unnecessary, particularly outside of a Pacific game – or just for the purposes of victory conditions.

      Basically there are things you can (and possibly should) do in either a Pacific or a Europe game, that you shouldn’t do in a global game.

      posted in House Rules
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: Advice to Renegade! What is on your top 10 for adjustments to G40 3rd edition?

      I honestly would like to see a more stripped-down version of the game. I think if you want to remove most of the politics, you need to set it either right on the cusp of Barbarossa/Pearl Harbour (Spring 1941) or what Larry calls the “high-water mark of the Axis expansion” (Spring 1942)

      Just as a side note, I would say when I look at World at War, it feels like an attempt to answer the question “What if we had Axis & Allies, but with France as a major power?” without any thought as to why not to do that. I still think 1940 (before the fall of France) is probably the last, other reasonable start date – but I don’t know that it’s preferable to the other two. I think 1943, with the failure at Stalingrad (and particularly after the surrender of Italy) is kind of a “point of no return” for the Axis.

      I think back to Classic, and it’s kind of a pastiche of WWII. You have to have tanks, planes, submarines and carriers – those are iconic to the period. Of course, you need transports and at least some type of surface ship (whether it’s Battleships or just something nondescript.) Artillery have been around basically forever, and I’d say they’re more iconic to WWI (that, and machine guns.)

      Submarine interactions have gotten too complicated, and the creep towards contested sea zones and land territories is taking away the elegance and simplicity from the game. Also constantly trying to shoehorn in Italy and China as separate powers isn’t doing the game any favours, IMO.


      I’m not entirely sure how they might fit this into a “G40 3rd Edition” but I’d be interested to see a 1945(ish) scenario, in the vein of Operation: Unthinkable

      I think there are a couple different start dates you could do w/r/t the Cold War. For example East & West (by Imp Games) is set around the Berlin Airlift of 1948, just before decolonization began to really ramp up. So you still have the full breadth of the British Empire for the most part, with the Arab League and Organization of American States being established as major neutral blocs, and the civil war in China nearing its end.

      E&W sort of has the problem of being “USSR vs. the World” so I think if you could do a global game where the west is powerful enough to merit having China as an active Soviet ally, that would be ideal. The issue is always going to be that there’s effectively little or no naval game, unless you set it in a period where nuclear submarines are just all over the place, pulling wild and crazy stunts.

      Other dates:
      1950-1953 - Korean War, Greece and Turkey join NATO
      1955 - West Germany joins NATO, occupation of Austria ends, Warsaw Pact is formed, Baghdad Pact/METO/CENTO (UK, Turkey, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan) is formed, SEATO established in 1954 (US, UK, France, Australia, New Zealand, Pakistan, Philippines, Thailand)
      1962 - Cuban Missile Crisis
      1975(ish) - allows for Communist control in Cuba, Angola, Mozambique, Afghanistan, Indochina, as well as the Warsaw Pact countries; (Iraq left CENTO in 1958, but it existed until 1979; SEATO operated until 1977)

      Ultimately, the issue I find with any cold war scenario is that it probably lends itself more to a Europe map (maybe even the 1914 map over the Europe 1940 map) or that it should actually use a northern hemisphere map, rather than eastern or western.
      Right at the outset of the cold war, the western powers have vast empires, but within a decade or two they no longer control much of anything in Africa or southern Asia. Having a map that’s chockful of neutrals isn’t terribly appealing, without a robust, meaningful, yet lean diplomacy system (again, don’t do what World at War does.) I think the “activation” mechanics mostly work for a WWII setting, but they also feel kinda handwavey and tacked-on.

      posted in House Rules
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: [Brainstorming] "East & West" Cold War scenario for Europe 1940

      Active Nations:

      USSR: 45 IPCs
      Would include all starting USSR territories, plus the following:
      Germany, Poland, Slovakia Hungary, Romania, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Albania

      Western Europe (WE) : 23 IPCs

      • Portugal, Portuguese Guinea, Angola, Mozambique
      • Holland Belgium, Suriname, Belgian Congo
      • Greenland, Iceland, Denmark, Norway
      • Northern Italy, Southern Italy, Sicily, Sardinia
      • Turkey, Greece, Crete

      So in E&W, a bit ahistorically (as the game is set in 1948) Greece and Turkey are part of WE, despite not joining NATO until 1952. For now I’m lumping them in here, but my other preference would be to have them as strict neutrals – more on that later.

      Also in E&W, Greenland and Iceland are treated as US territories; since both are worth 0 IPCs on the Europe 1940 map, the only real important distinction is whether they are hostile or friendly, so I wanted to include them under WE instead.

      UK: 31 IPCs
      gains the following territories:
      Italian Somaliland, Tobruk, Libya, Western Germany

      • UK loses Trans-Jordan, Egypt, Alexandria to the Arab League
      • UK loses Iceland to WE

      US: 38 IPCs
      gains the following territories:
      Greater Southern Germany

      • US loses Southeast Mexico to the OAS
      • US loses Greenland to WE

      Neutral Powers:

      France (pro-NATO) : 16 IPCs

      • France loses Syria to the Arab League

      What I’m proposing for France would be sort of a hybrid rule between the activation rules for pro-neutrals, and a house rule I proposed for China, in E&W.

      Essentially how this works is that France would contribute income to WE, based on the IPC value of French territories containing NATO troops (WE, UK, or US) at the end of Western Europe’s turn. If France is attacked by the USSR, all French units and territories would convert to WE ownership.

      The reason for doing this is primarily to keep France as part of NATO, without making WE so huge economically that they don’t need any help. Also, by weakening NATO a little bit in this way, I’m hoping to avoid needing to use the E&W rule whereby USSR gets infantry for 2 IPCs instead of 3 IPCs.

      Organization of American States (OAS) : 9 IPCs
      (Essentially, all of the neutral South American countries except Suriname, plus Southeast Mexico)
      If the OAS is attacked by the USSR, all OAS units and territories would convert to US ownership.

      Arab League: 8 IPCs
      (Alexandria, Egypt, Trans-Jordan, Syria, Iraq, Saudi Arabia)
      If the Arab League is attacked by the USSR, all Arab units and territories would convert to UK ownership.

      …
      So, in addition to possibly including a diplomacy mechanism similar to classic E&W, I was wanting to incorporate one of the house rules I had suggested for E&W and apply it to this scenario:

      All remaining neutrals are considered “strict neutrals”
      However:

      1. The USSR may attack any neutral at any time.
      2. If the USSR attacks a strict neutral, rather than having ALL strict neutrals side with NATO (as in classic Europe 1940) instead NATO gets to shift either the OAS or Arab League one step on the diplomacy scale.

      Now, if Greece and Turkey are kept as strict neutrals, rather than being part of WE, this rule could potentially have large consequences if/when the USSR chooses to attack them.

      I was thinking instead of the classic E&W diplomacy scale, it’d make more sense to have it like -8/-6/-4/-2/0/+2/+4/+6/+8


      Strict Neutrals:
      Probably a good “hard and fast” rule would be that if attacked by the USSR, strict neutrals in Europe would join WE, while strict neutrals in Africa or the middle east would join UK; Rio De Oro would be considered part of Spain, for these purposes. If Turkey is neutral…? I’d probably consider them part of the middle east.

      • Europe: Eire, Spain / Rio De Oro, Switzerland, Sweden, Finland
      • Africa: Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ethiopia
      • Middle East: Northwest Persia, Persia, Eastern Persia, Afghanistan

      What this all means:

      Starting Income:
      USSR: 45
      NATO: 92

      Maximum potential income, including neutrals:
      USSR (plus Arab League, OAS*, and all strict neutrals) : 71
      WE (plus France, and all strict neutrals in Europe) : 46
      UK (plus Arab League, and all strict neutrals in Africa + Middle East) : 42
      US (plus OAS*) : 46

      *Assumes OAS income is capped at 8 rather than 9

      posted in House Rules
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • [Brainstorming] "East & West" Cold War scenario for Europe 1940

      For those unfamiliar, “East & West” is a cold war A&A-style derivative/variant/expansion from 2000, by Imp Games (which seems to borrow heavily from Xeno Game’s “World at War”)

      I’ve started up a discussion thread for E&W in case anyone is interested in checking that out.

      One of the topics that @tacojohn brought up in the thread was the possibility of updating E&W to one (or possibly more) of the modern maps/rulesets; I began keying in on the Europe 1940 map in particular, in large part because China is treated as a neutral power in “classic E&W” – I felt like there wasn’t much sense in including the Pacific half of Global 1940.

      I’ve decided I’ll just share my initial thoughts (after a couple weeks of tinkering) and see if anybody would like to take the ball and run with it.

      posted in House Rules europe 1940 cold war
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: Advice to Renegade! What is on your top 10 for adjustments to G40 3rd edition?

      @the-captain said in Advice to Renegade! What is on your top 10 for adjustments to G40 3rd edition?:

      • Add 1939, 1941, 1942 and 1943 versions.

      1939 Would be a tough sell, IMO. At that start point, you end up with too much politics and not enough war; it’s just Germany (and USSR) invading a bunch of neutral countries. I think G40 strikes a good compromise. I’m also leery about '43.

      posted in House Rules
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: [Global 1940] One rule to balance it?

      @superbattleshipyamato said in [Global 1940] One rule to balance it?:

      @crockett36

      “Nerfing” Japan makes me afraid for that power.

      Why so?
      The current J1 attack meta is apparently pretty strong:
      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fRi3aIsj8P8

      posted in House Rules
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion

      @the-janus said in "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion:

      1. If you combine France, Italy, and the rest of Western Europe without Greece and Turkey, you’re looking at a solid 40 IPCs vs. 49 IPCs for the USSR. This makes WE the strongest NATO faction, which is… weird. Granted, Western Germany and Northern Italy being under threat right away, translates to a 9 IPC swing.

      Thinking on this a little bit more, probably one way to avoid a huge Western Europe is to go the ‘occupation zone’ route with West Germany – Western Germany belonging to UK and Greater Southern Germany belonging to the US.

      (This would also potentially resolve the issue in ‘stock’ E&W whereby WE has to always be the one liberating West Germany, or there’s no net economic benefit to the Alliance.)

      Taking GSG away from the USSR would knock their income down to 45, compared with:

      • France: 16 IPCs
      • WE: 19 IPCs (not including Turkey or Greece)
      • UK: 31 IPCs (including Western Germany)
      • US: 38 IPCs (including GSG)

      This would mean US is the strongest NATO ally economically, at the start; however, a combined WE/France would have more income (35 IPCs) than the UK – and none of that income would be on the immediate frontline, either.

      The other angle to come at it might be to treat France similar to a “neutral alliance” that favours NATO; units of the Alliance can move through their territory, but they don’t purchase/move/attack, and instead only defend French territory. This would likely require putting Greece and Turkey under WE, and possibly West Germany as well. It’s interesting to ponder…


      The Western Bloc
      I still haven’t nailed down whether to unite France and WE.

      If you keep them separate, it probably makes some sense to allow WE to build infantry as per the normal E&W rules (assuming you wouldn’t normally allow it in this scenario, as a general rule.) I also like the idea of having them “declare multi-national force” i.e. the only action they take on their turn is to say “WE units will act on the [France/UK/US] turn, this round.” This is something I did for the NATO vs. Arab League mini-game/scenario I created, where the NATO factions are:
      France & Belgium, Spain & Portugal, UK & Commonwealth.

      If you put France and WE together, the interesting thing is how closely the economics line up with classic E&W (using the territorial assumptions from earlier in this post):

      Classic vs. Europe
      WE: 32 IPCs vs. 35 IPCs
      UK: 33 IPCs vs. 31 IPCs
      US: 43 IPCs vs. 38 IPCs
      (NATO: 108 IPCs vs. 104 IPCs)
      USSR: 48 IPCs vs. 45 IPCs


      Neutral Considerations:
      The whole “pro-neutral” mechanic of the 1940 game adds an interesting dimension that isn’t seen in the original E&W, per se. If you’re going to keep with the mechanic of letting the USSR attack any neutrals at any time, then the only real consideration is whether there are any “pro-neutrals” in the game at all.

      1. Greece & Turkey: If these are strict neutrals, there is a lot less incentive for the USSR to attack them; if they are pro-NATO, then USSR has a lot more incentive to take Turkey, in order to prevent NATO from activating them to enter the strait.
      2. Yugoslavia & Albania: If Yugoslavia is kept neutral, that would mean NATO offensives would have to funnel through the German territories, and likewise the USSR would have fewer territories to attack from on rd1, potentially making it tougher to take Germany. If Yugoslavia, Albania, and Greece are all neutral, this would create a solid barrier for the USSR against invasion.
      3. Persia/Iran: Should the Allies be freely able to open this route into the USSR? Or should this territory be strictly neutral?
      4. Spain & Scandinavia: There’s probably an argument to be made that these territories should be easier for NATO to influence, but likewise that they shouldn’t be able to just freely “activate” them – so I can’t say that they absolutely should be pro-NATO. They might need their own distinct mechanic.
      5. Ethiopia/Italian Somaliland: Being neutral in E&W, this serves as a meaningful barrier to shipping UK infantry from Africa to India. With the Europe map potentially greatly de-emphasizing India, these territories become less important; making it pro-NATO seems a bit silly, since then it’s kind of a freebie that the USSR would have a hard time contesting.
      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: Axis & Allies Global 1964

      @the-captain
      As I’ve started discussing elsewhere in the “Other Axis & Allies Variants” subforum, it might be worth considering whether or not this scenario warrants being a Global game, or if it could just use the Europe map instead.

      Looking forward to seeing what comes of this. Cheers!

      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion

      @the-janus said in "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion:

      Coming back to this, without adjusting any IPC values on the map, an E&W game using Europe 1940 would have starting incomes like this:

      • France: 16 IPCs (loses 1 IPC from Syria)
      • Italy: 7 IPCs
      • Western Europe: 21 IPCs (4 less if you don’t include Greece and Turkey)
      • UK: 26 IPCs (loses IPCs from Belgian Congo, Egypt, and Transjordan; gains 1 IPC from Libya)
      • USA: 34 IPCs (loses 1 IPC from Mexico)

      Coming back to this, actually what seems like the obvious thing to do is to just shunt Italy under Western Europe. France had sort of a cold war reputation of wanting to go their own way within NATO, so trying to frankenstein Italy onto France makes even less sense, from a historical perspective. (Although, as I’ve said, this would actually probably work well for an E&W game using the TGW map.)

      Really, it’d become a question of how many bullets WE can take before they’re not an effective, meaningful power anymore, and whether that threshold is so low that it’s not worth having them as a separate power from France. This also dovetails into the question of whether to include Turkey and Greece in the alliance, as that might help beef up WE for a turn or two.

      The idea I had with using the TGW map, is that you could have “NATO” be US+UK and France+Italy, with the other minor alliance members as their own “neutral alliance” – so attacking one would bring all under the NATO banner. This works better when you can just make West Germany part of the US+UK faction; trying to implement something like that on this map doesn’t really make a lot of sense, unless you just arbitrarily make the territory American, or something. Otherwise, you have to start hacking the map, and that’s not really the intent with this exercise.

      The other thing to consider is if you’d really want it to be a 4v1 game. Or whether you’d have WE function sort of like ANZAC does in some games, i.e. they purchase separately but can attack together (with, say, French units in this scenario.)

      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion

      @the-janus said in "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion:

      @tacojohn said in "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion:

      I think I may eventually try to recreate the E&W Cold War-era scenario on one of the more recent A&A maps - either the Anniversary map or maybe Siredblood’s or one of its offshoots - and work up the starting set ups, territorial control changes, etc.

      I’m just looking at the Global 1940 map right now, and I have to ask if maybe doing E&W just using the Europe map would be worthwhile? It sort of begs the wider question of whether a Cold War scenario (particularly with a neutral China) really even lends itself to using a world map.

      Coming back to this, without adjusting any IPC values on the map, an E&W game using Europe 1940 would have starting incomes like this:

      • France: 16 IPCs (loses 1 IPC from Syria)
      • Italy: 7 IPCs
      • Western Europe: 21 IPCs (4 less if you don’t include Greece and Turkey)
      • UK: 26 IPCs (loses IPCs from Belgian Congo, Egypt, and Transjordan; gains 1 IPC from Libya)
      • USA: 34 IPCs (loses 1 IPC from Mexico)

      USSR would gain 21 IPCs from the added “Warsaw Pact” territories (just based on the geography, it probably makes more sense to have Greater Southern Germany under the USSR) – total of 49 IPCs

      Arab League would be 8 IPCs:

      • Egypt (2)
      • Transjordan (1)
      • Syria (1)
      • Iraq (2)
      • Saudi Arabia (2)

      OAS would be 9 IPCs – which makes it almost tempting to just… not give them Mexico, for ease of use. (2 IPCs each for Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina, and Chile)


      Other notes/thoughts:

      1. I’d almost be tempted to go the “occupation zone” route, and give Greater Southern Germany to the US, while having Western Germany be UK. Western Germany touching Northern Italy reflects the east/west split for Austria (more accurately than how E&W does it) by including western-occupied Austria as part of Western Germany. GSG basically represents Czechia and the Soviet-occupied parts of Austria, on this map.

      2. If you combine France, Italy, and the rest of Western Europe without Greece and Turkey, you’re looking at a solid 40 IPCs vs. 49 IPCs for the USSR. This makes WE the strongest NATO faction, which is… weird. Granted, Western Germany and Northern Italy being under threat right away, translates to a 9 IPC swing.

      3. Being that they joined NATO in 1952, you could just as easily leave Greece and Turkey as neutrals, which means the Soviets wouldn’t need to invade Turkey to get the protection of the straits. Obviously, you’d still want to remap Turkey to be “Pro-Allies”…

      4. Oddly enough, when I was mocking up E&W onto the TGW map, I ultimately ended up doing it as France+Italy and US+UK vs. the USSR. You could almost combine Italy and France in this version, too…

      5. If WE is made into their own separate country (without France and Italy) they’re really weak, and they’d likely get gobbled up. Then it’s a question of, do you just exclude the minor NATO members (in lieu of having just a huge WE) by treating them as (Pro-Allies) neutrals? Or should they be occupied by US or UK, as appropriate? Since NATO wasn’t actually formed until 1949, you can get away with that if you set the game in 1948 or earlier. But, without a WE faction, Western Germany becomes… weird.

      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion

      Rebalancing “Round Zero” (aka rd0)

      One thing I’ve been giving some consideration to is whether there would be any value in simply reducing the starting NATO forces in frontline territories. Usually most of the rd0 placement goes towards augmenting the Soviet attacks on these territories anyway, so why not just make them weaker defensively? Particularly with the standard 20-IPC bid of 10 infantry being relatively high (by most metrics.) If this number is going to come down, then there needs to be some other kinds of changes made.

      Here’s what I came up with, based on the battle calculator (note: I did not factor in any shore bombardment for the Turkey battle, since there isn’t a bombard @ 2 unit option)
      c7098faa-1b82-4096-b34c-5c52c2a983ed-image.png

      the battle outcomes shown in this table are the “most likely” outcomes, as per the calculator; attacker in columns, defender in rows

      What this shows is that the results associated with a typical rd0 placement of 2 inf in North Korea (to attack South Korea) + 2 inf in Romania (to attack Greece) + 3 inf in Georgia (to attack Turkey) can all be pretty closely replicated by adding 1 attacking infantry in each territory, and removing 1 defending infantry from each attacked territory. In fact, the percentages on the right (which indicate total % chance of losing all attacking infantry, plus any chance to lose additional units) shows that the +1/-1 option actually slightly favours the attacker, compared to the standard rd0 placements.

      To implement something like this, you would want to change the rd0 placement limitation from “must follow standard placement rules” to a rule allowing only a maximum of 1 infantry to be placed in each territory.

      One thing you’ll notice is that South Korea, Greece, and Turkey each have 4 or more starting infantry. So, to facilitate the NATO unit reductions, I’m inclined to use a rule like: “NATO territories in which the owner starts with 4 or more infantry, have that number of infantry reduced by 1.” This would impact the following territories:

      • France, Greece, Turkey
      • UK, India
      • South Korea, Japan

      (If extended to ALL stacks of 4 or more NATO infantry, this rule would further remove a single UK inf from France as well as US inf from both West Germany and Italy; this might be necessary, depending on what other rd0 modifications are used, or what the desired bid number is.)


      Overall, I do like the idea of the rd0 cash, to give the USSR some options on where to focus their efforts. Unfortunately, it is used more as a ‘math fix’ than it is anything else – so I’d like to focus on properly fixing the math instead.

      I think if the goal is to eliminate rd0 infantry bids entirely, the USSR is going to either need some more offense added at the start of the game, or they’re going to have to get used to more uncertainty/taking fewer territories at the start of the game.


      As a footnote, I should again give credit to @The_Good_Captain for getting my brain going on this track; his analysis of Classic was that (with the proper rules implementation) a bid of 2 infantry was sufficient for balancing that game – and in fact, taking 1 Soviet inf off of Caucasus and adding that chip to the stack of German inf in Ukraine would likely work just as well. This is what got me thinking about the “+1/-1” implementation.

      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion

      @the-janus said in "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion:

      Rules Discussion: Neutrals

      One other related question (which isn’t covered in the rules text) is, what happens in this scenario:

      • China is contributing income to the USSR
      • USSR controls North Korea
      • USSR attacks China

      Do the Chinese infantry in North Korea convert to UK infantry?
      Do they “attack” any Soviet forces in the territory? Does this happen on the Soviet turn, or on the UK turn? Or are the Soviets considered to be attacking them? Do the Soviets have to fight to the death, or can they retreat? etc.

      We realized this was a situation that just created question after question, and that the simplest solution was to say that the Chinese infantry in North Korea just poof out of existence. This also somewhat lines up with the existing rules; these units effectively just disappear anytime China stops giving income to the USSR – and because China would stop giving income in the case of the USSR attacking them, we decided it was best to follow the same line of thinking in this situation as well.

      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion

      Rules Discussion: Neutrals

      One of the unclear rules that we came across in playing E&W again earlier this year, is what happens when neutral countries are captured and re-captured, or attacked but not completely conquered.

      From the rules text:

      If attacked and not completely conquered, neutral countries
      will join the opposite side, banding with the power nearest to
      them.

      Ok, so, how do you define “nearest”? Is it the nearest territory owned or nearest territory controlled? Is it based on territories, or something else (like capitols)? What do you do in the case where two NATO powers’ are determined to be equidistant?

      A similar sort of confusion applies in the case of influencing a minor neutral. Say the US influences Iran, then the Soviets occupy it, but after that the UK takes the territory back; does it revert to US control, or does it become British? The rules aren’t particularly clear on this; for neutral alliances it seems (mostly) pretty clear that (probably) the territories would always remain owned by the power they sided with when attacked.

      Anyways, this is just a gap in the rules text that I thought was worth mentioning. It may need to be ironed out with your opponent, before starting to play the game together.

      One hot-fix I had suggested was to just across the board have all minor neutrals in Asia join the UK if attacked by the USSR, while minor neutrals in Europe or Africa would join with WE. It’s by no means a perfectly solution, but it’s simple and good enough, IMO. (For example, you could probably convincingly argue that Ireland or Ethiopia should join the UK, or that perhaps the Indonesian islands should join the US, given their proximity to the Philippines.)


      This also brings up one of the more weird/quirky questions:
      Does the UK share a land-border with Ireland?

      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion

      @tacojohn Did you ever consider porting E&W back onto the Classic map? I know it at least crossed my mind.

      I really had fun with the version of E&W that I came up with for RISK: Reinvention

      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion

      @the-janus said in "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion:

      (Another problem with nukes is that the US is at best spending 20 IPCs to destroy 20 IPCs worth of infantry, whereas the USSR taking out 5 transports with a nuke equates to spending 20 IPCs to prevent 30 IPCs of infantry per round from reaching the mainland – and destroying 40 IPCs worth of transports. The former needs the 3rd-tier nuke tech, while the latter only needs the 1st-tier. NATO just does not have a counter to this; the USSR with nukes vs. without are just two completely different games.)

      The Case for Revamping Tech and Spying
      I wanted to highlight this bit from the previous post, just for some important context. Once the Soviets get nukes, the game is effectively over for NATO; since the USSR gets a free tech roll every round, this is basically bound to happen every game, sometimes as early as the first turn.

      In my opinion, if you want to test strategies (or you want something of a balanced “tournament” rule set) I’d strongly suggest removing technological progression from the game.

      Unreliable Intel
      I would probably throw spying out with the bathwater, too. NATO can’t really afford spies (if they want to keep up with the IPM game) and the fact that the USSR gets a free attempt to kill one each round, makes it almost not worth the investment. Likewise, if you want the game to run in a more even/predictable fashion, you can’t have Chinese troops being pulled out of North Korea; it’s just too much of a swing in favour of the Americans.

      The problem with getting rid of spying, is that diplomacy (i.e. random luck) is NATO’s only counter to Soviet nukes. The difference being that the Soviet’s random luck at getting nuclear technology is free, whereas NATO’s is at a huge cost – and subject to interdiction… which is also free, for the Soviets.

      I should probably explain how NATO can use diplomacy to counter Soviet nukes. Basically, it’s by no longer needing transports, and thus nullifying the threat of nukes to the NATO fleet. For example, if the UK places an IC in India, they can basically spend all of their income in the theatre; if the US influences Spain and Thailand, they can put ICs into both. This would allow them to produce a total of 5 infantry and 5 armor on mainland Eurasia, without the need of transports – and at a total cost of 40 IPCs, effectively maxing out their budget.

      The problem is, NATO is relying on blind luck in order for this to succeed – “hope is not a strategy” and all that. So I’ve been thinking of some ways to tackle the uncertainty a bit.

      The Accelerationist Route
      First off, if you’re playing any scenario where technological development is still allowed, you probably need to consider whether the game would be better off just giving Soviets nuclear weapons tech, from the start; as I’ve said before, it’s a very different game, but at least NATO can plan for it from the outset, and not have to worry about trying to “redo” their pipeline. Another option is to start the USSR with just a half-step in the nuclear weapons tree, meaning they gain the tech on a roll of 1 or 2 – still leaving some randomness, but also making it more of a foregone conclusion.

      Countering Soviet Nukes
      In that case, I think the solution would be to make it easier for NATO to influence neutrals. The first idea that popped into my mind is to make it more like “activating” neutrals, such as in A&A 1914 or 1940. You might have to scale it somehow, based on the IPC value of the territory and/or the amounts of units the neutral territory gets. But with Soviet nukes in play, the US has to be able to reliably get Spain and Thailand on their side in the war, or the game is effectively over.

      One possible limitation on this could be that for each neutral in Asia that is activated by NATO, China moves one step towards the USSR. I think you would also have to limit this ability strictly to just the US, rather than allowing any NATO power to do it; maybe allow the UK to activate neutrals in Europe(?)

      Countering the Soviet IPM
      While I was thinking about that, I was also trying to think of some way to balance the Soviet’s ability to freely invade neutrals. Basically, if the average neutral is worth 2 IPCs, that means they’re worth 1 infantry per round, to the Soviets; if your intent is to even that out, you need to do something which gives NATO 1 infantry per round.

      So, looking at the IPC track for the neutral alliances, we see that moving the OAS from +0 to +3 would be worth 1 infantry to NATO. Without carving anything in stone, my basic idea would be that for every neutral the USSR invades, NATO can shift a neutral alliance one step.

      You might have to build in some sort of limitations for this to work, possibly including:

      • This cannot be used to influence China, if it would cause Chinese troops to be removed from North Korea
      • This cannot be used on a neutral alliance more than once
      • This cannot be used on a neutral alliance if doing so would increase their contribution to its maximum IPC value

      These restrictions could at least leave some room where spying is still useful, if you wanted to keep that as part of the game.


      Other House Rule Ideas
      With the intention of reducing or limiting the Soviet’s ability to gain nukes, I’ve spitballed a couple different ideas.

      1. The USSR can only gain nuclear weapons technology through the use of Espionage. Somewhat historically accurate, this rule essentially requires the USSR to buy a spy if they want to get nukes – much like how NATO has to buy spies, if they want to counter the Soviet nukes. Fair is fair.
      2. The USSR cannot use their free tech roll until after the US has used theirs; the US player may opt not to use this roll at all. At a bare minimum, this prevents the USSR from getting nukes on turn 1.
      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion

      @the-janus said in "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion:

      Analysis of the Early Game

      Since this is a Classic-style IPM game, we can translate this pretty easily into units:

      33 inf for the USSR, vs.

      • 7 inf for WE
      • 9 inf, 1 arm for UK
      • 12 inf, 1 arm for US
        = 30 ground units for NATO

      I think it’s important to discuss how some of the basic mechanics lead to what I perceive as the stalemating that takes place in E&W.

      First of all, the placement rules generally remove the single drawback of infantry (their speed) for the USSR.

      With 33 infantry at their disposal, the USSR can easily commit 19 infantry to Europe. (I use this number for easy figuring, as I’ll explain.) In order to match this, NATO needs to spend all of the output for both WE (7 inf) and UK (9 inf, 1 arm) in Europe, plus the unofficial minimum US contribution of 2 infantry (i.e. from Iceland.) This would mean the UK not contributing anything to India, and solely relying on the US to handle all of Asia. It’s just not viable.

      The other problem is that WE is the weakest of the 3 allies, but they are the only one who can “trade” territories with the USSR and still gain income. This is where liberating allied territories is a huge weakness for NATO; even if the USSR has to abandon West Germany for a round (in order to push into Switzerland, for example) NATO isn’t able to hold the territory AND collect income from it.

      The other big problem contributing to the stalemate is this:
      The USSR can’t strafe a multinational force.

      Now, literally, as far as rules are concerned they are still allowed to do this. But in practical terms, the biggest advantage the USSR has over NATO is that no single NATO power has enough forces in Europe to overmatch the Soviets. If the Soviets strafe France, what happens is that they will simply peel off infantry from the ally/allies with the fewest infantry in the territory, making the remaining ally stronger and better able to counter-attack.

      The other thing is turn order: since WE goes first, that means their attack against the Soviets needs to be the strongest – but they’re the weakest ally economically, and therefore the least able to absorb casualties. And if the NATO followup attacks fail, then WE is basically dead at that point – not to mention, this still produces no added income for NATO, even if they succeed. The obvious solution is to have each NATO power project as much force as possible, into one theatre… but this assumes that NATO can outmatch the USSR’s placement in any of the main theatres – which they can’t. (If anything comes close, it’s probably the UK’s Scandinavia strategy.)

      The situation in E&W is effectively NATO having to play as the Axis, needing to be very aggressive right out of the gate in order to not fall behind – while also having the disadvantage of needing to carefully set up their supply pipeline, as the Allies typically do. (Which is very strategically limiting. NATO has little or no wiggle room to “redo” their transport pipeline, and no time to reposition their air forces.)

      The USSR does not have either of these problems.

      They don’t have the same problem as the Allies, since the USSR is not stuck just placing infantry in Moscow and slowly marching them towards the front lines (because of the placement rules.) There are basically no wrong ways for them to set up their pipeline: just place on the front line (or as near as possible.) If you overcommit to one theatre on one round, it is easily remedied right away on the next round; they also don’t suffer the Axis problem of having to split their income between Asia and Europe, meaning they are always able to respond to what the NATO pipeline ends up being, and more often can dictate to NATO, putting them always on the back foot. Again, they can do all of this while essentially passively supplementing their income by gobbling up neutrals – something which NATO can do nothing about, nor can they mimic.

      So overall, if the situation is one where the Soviets can never strafe, but NATO can never attack, then the side with the superior economy is going to win, over time; from turn 1 onward, this describes the USSR. It is piss-easy to set up a Soviet first turn where the US cannot land in Korea or Kamchatka; WE and the UK will have a hard time liberating Norway (and an even harder time holding it.) The only place NATO can really roll back the Soviets on rd1 is in Yugoslavia (and maybe Greece.) This means out of the 33 infantry the Soviets can build on rd2, NATO can only realistically expect to roll this number down by 1 or 2 – meaning the USSR is still overmatching their output by 1 unit, on rd3.

      For the US to have any hope of a breakthrough in the east, they basically need to be able to liberate South Korea, capture Kamchatka, and successfully nuke Eastern Siberia (mainly to limit its production capacity) all on rd2. And they still need to be putting all but one transport-load worth of production towards the Pacific, in order to have any hope of overmatching the Soviets in time.

      (Another problem with nukes is that the US is at best spending 20 IPCs to destroy 20 IPCs worth of infantry, whereas the USSR taking out 5 transports with a nuke equates to spending 20 IPCs to prevent 30 IPCs of infantry per round from reaching the mainland – and destroying 40 IPCs worth of transports. The former needs the 3rd-tier nuke tech, while the latter only needs the 1st-tier. NATO just does not have a counter to this; the USSR with nukes vs. without are just two completely different games.)

      This pipeline predicament also means that the UK likely doesn’t have the time to relocate their main source of offense (bombers) since they need to be constantly attacking, as early as possible. This in turn means they cannot ever have enough offensive units for a breakout from India. Again, this just showcases how few options NATO really has. And if India is being defended by a mix of UK and US units, their chances of ever breaking out are even less – much the same problem NATO faces in France.

      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: Total Civil War Game

      What is the role of Mexico in this game?

      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion

      @the-janus said in "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion:

      “Floating Bridge” strategy

      I came up with an alternate way of setting up the UK’s transport pipelines, and I just wanted to quickly share it here:

      Quebec transport:

      1. moves 1 arm Quebec to France
      2. moves 1 inf Gibraltar to Algeria. (1 inf Libya moves to Algeria)
      3. moves 2 inf Algeria to Italy/Yugoslavia/Greece
        101146d3-d9b0-4f19-b3a4-774d9f059eb7-image.png

      India transport:

      1. moves 1 arm India to Tanganyika. (2 inf South Africa move to Mozambique)
      2. moves 2 inf Mozambique to Sudan. (1 arm Tanganyika moves to Libya)
      3. moves 2 inf Sudan to Italy/Yugoslavia/Greece
        80b2739c-9f40-4028-a6af-0c15d36de412-image.png

      Italy transport:

      1. moves to Red Sea. (1 arm South Africa moves to Tanganyika)
      2. moves 1 arm Tanganyika to Italy.
      3. moves 1 arm Libya to Italy.

      Australia transport:

      1. moves 2 inf NSW to India.
      2. moves to NSW SZ
      3. moves 1 inf Queensland + 1 inf Singapore to Burma

      Canada transports (x2)

      1. placed in Ontario, end of rd1. (1 inf Western Canada moves to Ontario)
      2. moves 3 inf from Canada + 1 inf Iceland to France/Norway/Karelia/Komi
      3. moves 1 inf from Iceland + 1 inf, 1 arm from UK to France

      By doing this, you’ve moved all ground units from Canada, Iceland, Gibraltar, Africa, and Australia onto the Eurasian continent, by the end of UK3. You’ve also gotten all UK tanks into Europe, and 3 UK transports into the Mediterranean. (If you purchase 2 more transports on UK2, you’ll have a total of 4 in the Atlantic.)

      You’ve also got your remaining transport set up right by Singapore; if you place 2 inf there on rd3, they’re ready to be moved to India/Burma/Korea as desired. If you don’t think you’ll want to be using this transport to support India for the rest of the game, move it up to Korea at a later round, and then up to the Chukchi Sea on the following round; make sure you’ve got some infantry from Canada ready to load up, so that you can start sending them into Kamchatka once the Americans hold it.

      Basically, you want enough transports up by the UK that you can contest Scandinavia, with the help of your air force. The other thing you can do is land defensive infantry in France, and then use them with your Mediterranean transports (and your armor) to attack Yugoslavia. This lets WE focus on Greece or Turkey, which helps them with their income (whereas UK liberating these territories does not.)

      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
      The Janus
    • RE: "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion

      Conclusions:

      There are essentially 3 different ways of getting armor into Asia:

      1. North America: into Kamchatka or Eastern Siberia
      2. Japan IC: into Korea (or Kamchatka or Eastern Siberia)
      3. Philippines IC: into Korea or Burma

      Comparing the effective builds (from the previous post) which use the Japan IC (i.e. 12 inf vs. 10 inf, 2 arm) it’s basically a choice between saving 1 transport load to send to Europe vs. spending everything in Asia. Being that the US starts with one transport in the Atlantic, the only reason not to set aside 5-6 IPCs for Europe every round is if you’re going to move that transport through the Panama canal – which seems a bit silly. However, keeping a transport in the Atlantic serves to narrow the effective Japan IC builds down to just the 12 inf option (or more likely, a variation such as 10 inf, 1 arm); the only reason to do this would be to opt for Korea over Kamchatka/Eastern Siberia.

      If we build the Philippines IC instead, we can produce two comparable builds by adding Japan’s native production into the equation: 10 inf vs. 8 inf, 2 arm – leaving us 2 or 1 transport loads (respectively) to send to Europe. However, it’s worth noting that the 10 inf option only requires 2 transports by the Philippines, whereas the 8 inf, 2 arm option requires 3 transports to be there.

      If the best we can hope for is 2 arm per round being sent into Korea, I think I’d lean towards the Philippines IC; if we’re just looking at raw unit output, Japan is better than North America or Philippines IC strictly for going through Korea. One thing to not discount in this calculation, is that if we are committing 6 or 7 transports to a Japan IC, we can consider sending 1 or 2 of them down to Burma every round – effectively doing the job of the Philippines IC.

      (One other minor note with the Japan IC is that it would be in range of Eastern Siberia w/r/t strategic bombing. This means we would want to purchase an AA gun to defend the IC, if the USSR moves their bomber to this side of the map. An IC in the Philippines is just far enough away from Eastern Siberia; it can still be threatened from North Korea, however.)


      Cost Comparison
      Another thing to consider is the setup costs; money saved on ICs and/or transports for the US should be invested in getting a spy (or possibly on additional tech research.)
      Starting with 3 transports in the Pacific means:

      • Japan IC requires building 3-4 more transports, allowing for 1 or 0 transports in the Atlantic
      • Philippines IC requires building 2-3 more transports, allowing for 2 or 1 transports in the Atlantic

      With the Japan IC, we can just always build 3 transports; we might as well bring the transport over from the Atlantic if we want a 4th – since we would not have any cash left in our budget for the Atlantic anyway. (Again, this would take about 3 rounds to get over to Alaska, which probably isn’t worth it. But only adding 3 transports to the Pacific limits what the Japan IC can do.) So the cost of transports + the IC = 39 IPCs
      With the Philippines IC, we’re either building 3 transports for the Pacific, or 2 transports for the Pacific and 1 transport for the Atlantic – meaning it costs the exact same as the Japan IC, to properly support.

      (Probably worth noting is that with a 41 IPC budget, our most likely overall builds for the US are either 12 inf, 1 arm or 10 inf, 2 arm – 7 transport loads in total. If we budget 6 inf for Japan, that means either 6 inf, 1 arm or 4 inf, 2 arm to be split between the Philippines and North America. An IC in the Philippines supported by only 2 transports has the flexibility to put out either 2 inf, 1 arm or 2 arm or 4 inf. This would leave 2 transport loads for North America each round – one or both of which could be allocated to the Pacific.)


      Revisiting the fighter purchase
      However, an interesting alternative would be to build the Philippines IC, but commit only 1 transport to it. This means we could spend 41 IPCs on 6 infantry for Japan, plus another 2 inf, 1 arm, 1 ftr (as described previously) but, split these between the Philippines and the Atlantic (i.e. rdX you would place 2 inf, 1 ftr in the Philippines and 1 arm in Eastern US; rdX+1 you could place 1 arm, 1 ftr in the Philippines and 2 inf in Eastern US.)

      By not adding a 2nd transport to support the Philippines, we likely have the cash to invest into a spy (if not on rd1 then by rd2.) Again, I think that fighters are primarily helpful for defending India, but they can also fly from the Philippines to attack Korea, and then land on a carrier in the Japan SZ. And if you’re producing 1 or 2 mechanical units out of the Philippines every round, it feels like you’re getting better value out of that IC purchase, if nothing else.

      If we’re budgeting 12 IPCs every round for a fighter, we can also tap into this budget to replace our spy, if it gets killed. Probably the biggest drawback to this is that NATO is already in such a crunch to get ground units in play, just to maintain parity with the USSR. I’m not sure of the long-term viability of fighter builds, in the grand scheme of things.


      Actual Conclusions (for real this time)
      Overall, if I’m going to place an IC as the US, I’m really leaning towards picking the Philippines. I think it just creates way more options than going the Japan route.

      Where the Philippines IC starts to pull ahead, is in any of the following scenarios:

      1. early nuke tech by the USSR
      2. shipping AA to India by rd3 (as opposed to rd4)
      3. getting fighters to India
      4. if UK is going stronger in Europe (and therefore weaker in India)
      5. after Eastern Siberia falls to the US
      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
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    • RE: "East & West" by Imp Games - Discussion

      Tactics: Japan IC vs. Philippines IC

      Back in the old days, it was not uncommon to see the US player build an IC in Japan. In one of my games from earlier this year, however, I found myself placing an IC in the Philippines instead. I’ve done some more thinking about it since then, so I’d like to go into some depth about the pros and cons.

      326d2322-6368-42c4-85a8-4f68e3978cc1-image.png
      The simple geography paints this picture, for the Philippines IC:
      Every round, you can “shuck-shuck” units built in the Philippines to either Burma or the Koreas. Since the Philippines is a 2-IPC territory, it would natively be able to produce 2 infantry every round (enough to fill 1 transport.) Adding an IC means you could produce 2 more units of any kind, which gives us a couple of distinct options for what to place there every round:

      • 4 inf: costs 12 IPCs, fills 2 transports
      • 2 inf, 2 arm: costs 16 IPCs, fills 3 transports
      • 2 inf, 1 arm, 1 ftr: costs 23 IPCs, fills 2 transports

      (Another thing to consider is that even if we’re only producing 1 arm/ftr/bmb in the Philippines per round, we’re still getting use out of that IC, so it’s adding some value. If it’s primarily supporting the UK in India, we want to build up some tanks for offense, so that we can eventually be in a position to attack.)

      Now, let’s delve a little deeper into the economic situation, to figure out which of these options to consider.

      It doesn’t make a ton of sense to exclusively build our Pacific units out of the Philippines; without an IC, Japan can produce 6 infantry every round – enough to fill 3 transports, at a cost of 18 IPCs.

      I generally work from the assumption that the US will lose South Korea, and the USSR will be able to hold it for a round or so; this means we can expect the US to have a reliable income of 41 IPCs.

      6 inf (Japan) = 18 IPCS 
      +
      2 inf, 1 arm, 1 ftr (Philippines) = 23 IPCs
      Total: 41 IPCs
      

      This means that if we plan to produce these units every round as the US, we won’t have anything left to contribute to Europe.

      The idea of producing a fighter every turn is that it can be used to defend India, since it has the movement to make it there in one turn. This is obviously not cheap, so let’s replace the fighter with a 2nd armor.

      This leaves us with 7 IPCs to commit to Europe, which IMO is kind of the bare minimum; 7 IPCs is enough to fill one transport, using either an armor (say, from the Eastern US going to France) or 2 infantry (such as from Iceland, going to France, or somewhere along the Barents Sea.)

      The trickiest part about going with 2 inf + 2 arm for the Philippines build, is that this requires 3 transports in order to move. Generally, the idea is that the US would spend rd1 building new transports, rd2 moving transports around and using them to collect starting infantry/armor, but by rd3 the shuck-shuck pipelines need to be in place.

      Since the US starts with 3 transports in the Pacific (which can be filled by Japan all on its own) a strategy where the Philippines also needs 3 transports is going to take an extra round to set up. My general thinking is that you will want to use the Philippines IC to produce a transport on rd2, but otherwise its purpose should be to produce ground(/air) units – not navy.

      So, if we’re only using 2 transports for the Philippines, and we’ve ruled out building a fighter, that reduces our options to producing 2 infantry or 1 armor there (plus the 2 inf base) every round – maybe even alternating between the two options. This means we’re spending 11 or 12 IPCs here, leaving 29-30 IPCs; after we factor in Japan’s placement (18 IPCs) we’re left with 11-12 IPCs. What this translates to is 4 infantry or 2 infantry and 1 armor for Europe.

      (Another option, if the decision is made to only use 2 transports around the Philippines, is to build 2 armor there every round; this would tend to imply that they would always be sent to Korea, supported by infantry being sent from Japan.)

      Chukchi Sea Pipeline
      b2a49ba0-7783-48a8-917b-29a04b12b9c3-image.png
      So this is what the geography dictates we could do, without building a new IC (in either Japan or the Philippines.) Essentially, if we want to put armor into the theatre, we can do this by using the shuck-shuck in to either Eastern Siberia or Kamchatka, every round:

      • The reason to put an IC in Japan, is to put armor into Eastern Siberia, Kamchatka, or Korea every round
      • The reason to put an IC in Philippines, is to put armor into Burma or Korea every round

      Using this simple axiom, what becomes clear is that the Philippines IC extends the ranges to which we can project force, in a way that the Japan IC does not.

      The other big mark against the Japan IC comes from the economics side of it:

      • 12 inf: costs 36 IPCs, fills 6 transports
      • 10 inf, 2 arm: costs 40 IPCs, fills 7 transports
      • 6 inf, 6 arm: costs 48 IPCs, fills 9 transports

      With the first option, we’re left with only 5 IPCs (i.e. 1 armor) to send to Europe.
      The second option, we’re spending all of our income (save 1 IPC) cranking out units from Japan. These armor have to be going to Korea in order to make purchasing this IC even worth it – otherwise, we’re better off building armor in Western US. (The other thing to consider is, do we even need a Japan IC if/when we conquer Eastern Siberia?)
      The third option, we’ve gone completely over budget trying to maximize production on Japan; keep in mind, as we take territories and gain IPCs, we can actually place infantry directly into those territories, making this new IC even less valuable as the game goes on – not more.

      The other thing to consider is that by using the Japan IC, we’re not able to use our 2 infantry production capability from the Philippines; if we were to not put an IC in either territory, we could still fill 4 transports (with 8 infantry = 24 IPCs) every round, plus whatever we’re able to ship in from North America.

      Nuclear Deterrence
      6096d246-a0f4-47a8-a92f-6c241b363571-image.png
      The other reason to consider the Philippines IC, is in the case of the USSR developing nukes early in the game; with their free tech roll, this outcome is basically an inevitability. As we can see from above, a nuke meant to deter the US Pacific fleet would likely be built in Eastern Siberia, and have an effective range of 3 spaces (launched either from a bomber or by ballistic missile.)

      This means that any shuck-shuck from Japan OR from North America is essentially ruined. Your opponent may not want to waste 20 IPCs to clear your fodder and leave you transports intact, but if the first nuke doesn’t get them, the second one will (or an upgraded nuke.)

      If you base your entire Asia shuck-shuck around a Philippines IC supported by 3 transports, this means you’re moving 2 inf and 2 arm to Burma every round. Your transports end their turn in the Burma SZ, safely out of the range of most nukes (barring long-range aircraft.)

      Countering Soviet Ambitions: Stopping the Domino Effect
      53507dfe-3853-4935-b64e-c73ce016d813-image.png
      Another move to consider is the one depicted here: moving an AA gun from the Philippines, to defend India.
      (Yes, this will leave your transport out of position for a turn, but this can be mitigated a bit if you move the US transport from Italy out towards this direction.)

      If the Soviets are going for an early India attack (like the one I have outlined in the “Operation: Underbelly” write-up) getting an AA gun to India on rd3 can do a lot to foil this plan, and tip the odds in NATO’s favour – since the attack is reliant on massing the entire Soviet air force.

      On rd1, we can place an IC in the Philippines; on rd2, we can use the IC to produce an AA gun, and a transport with which to move it. This spares the UK from having to commit to an India IC build, just for the purposes of getting an AA gun in-theatre.

      (As I’ve talked about before, the India IC removes a lot of the flexibility the UK potentially has, since they can easily spend all of their income just in this theatre. However, if the spectre of Soviet nukes in the early game is threatening the Atlantic fleet, the India IC becomes a more attractive pipeline for the UK getting boots on the ground.)

      Overmatch Capability bf108234-d4bd-4910-9620-4a38fbf0f65b-image.png

      The other thing to consider in this theatre is the production capacity of the USSR; between Kamchatka, Eastern Siberia, and North Korea alone, they can put out 8 infantry per round.

      This means that just to maintain parity, the US needs to commit a minimum of 4 transports to the theatre – enough to fill with infantry from Japan and the Philippines, every round. Of their 41 IPC budget, this would leave them another 17 IPCs to spend on units in North America, to send to either Europe or to Asia. This translates to 4 infantry and 1 armor – an additional 3 transport loads.

      The case could be convincingly made that the US actually must spend all of their production in this theatre, in order to push back the Soviets.

      posted in Other Axis & Allies Variants
      The JanusT
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