Thanks for the input GeneralHandGrenade and Wild Bill. As I mentioned, the tables which I posted above are primarily meant to stimulate discussion. I designed them mainly by looking at the Global 1940 map rather than at the Global 1940 rules – so at best they may need adjustments to adapt them to actual play considerations, and at worst they may prove to be either unworkable (mechanically) or tough to sell (which is a point that was mentioned by Wild Bill). Which is fine; I developed the tables because I knew that this little project would be a fun problem-solving exercise, which it did indeed turn out to be. If the results are in any way useful to A&A players, either as they are or in modified forms, then all the better.
Regarding the shift of Soviet IPCs to the European side of the game map, there seems to be some overlap between the comments from GHG and Bill. If I understand the comments correctly, both GHG and Bill feel that putting too many of the redeployed IPCs into Soviet territories which are open to rapid capture by Germany would work too much for Germany and against the USSR. Their proposed solution, as I understand it, would be to keep some of those redeployed IPCs in Russia/Moscow and in a couple of other places mentioned in the original table, but to put the others to the east of Moscow (though still to the west of the 0-IPC north-south barrier formed by Urals, Novosibirsk and Kazakhstan). There would actually be a historical justification for this, given that the Soviets moved many of their factories eastward to put them out of German reach. On the Global 1940 map, Nenetsia, Vologda and Samara are well positoned to fulfill that function. Archangel could also be thrown in for good measure; as I recall, it was a busy port city during WWII.
Bill’s paragraph about China brings up an interesting possibility. The tables as originally designed use the IPC-redeployment method exclusively for the Soviet Union and the dual-value 1/0 IPC method exclusively for China, but Bill’s paragraph indicates that a blended approach might be better. The two techniques could certainly be blended. In the Soviet Union’s case, some of the territories between Moscow and the Pacific Ocean could be given a dual value of 1/0 (rather that their existing value of 1 or the value of 0 proposed in the tables); that would be quite easy to do.
China is a more tricky case because it has fewer territories to play with than the USSR, and its territory configuration is awkward. One of the things that surprised me when I started studying the map for the project was to see that China (as configured on the game map) offers Japan a faster route to Moscow that the eastern Soviet Union does: a 6-territory route as opposed to an 8-territory route. Keeping all of the China-controlled Chinese territories at 1 IPC provides no deterrent to Japan. Dropping all of them to 0 IPC is an effective deterrent to Japan, but it robs China of its income. Dropping some of them to 0 and redeploying those IPCs to other Chinese territories is (I think) problematic for the same reason that GHG and Bill cited in relation to the USSR: given that China is so cramped, those redeployed IPCs have few places to go, and those places are potentially open to rapid capture by Japan. But I’d certainly be happy to see a proposal for an alternate table that would resolve this problem.